Developing gender sensitive communications policies

Maria del Nevo

How have gender issues in communication altered since two landmark conferences in Bangkok 1994 and Beijing 1995? The following article reviews the current situation, concluding that a global transformation of culture and the policies of the communications industry are required. This can only be done through the development of gender sensitive communications policies that are democratically pout into practice.

Two events that took place in the mid-nineties had a major impact on women and media groups across the world. The first, in 1994, was the Women Empowering Communication Conference in Bangkok. This conference involved over 400 women from more than 80 countries and resembled a celebration of women's creativity and innovation in all forms of communication. It was also an international protest about the rapid globalisation process, the resultant centralisation of media ownership and control by the North and the further marginalisation of women, minorities, indigenous and Third World peoples. Bangkok challenged the patriarchal structures of the media industry and called for the decentralisation and the democratisation of communication: ‘to create media that encourage dialogue and debate; that advance women and peoples' creativity; media that reaffirm women's wisdom and knowledge and that make people into subjects rather than objects or targets of communication’.

The second event was the 1995 UN World Conference on Women in Beijing when for the first time in the history of these conferences, women and media was included as a separate area of concern, or 'critical' issue. In response to the growth of information technology and mass media, globalisation and the increasing monopolisation of the media industry by powerful conglomerates, the Beijing Platform for Action included a number of recommendations, one of which called on media and advertising organisations ‘to develop, consistent with freedom of expression, professional guidelines and codes of conduct and other forms of self-regulation to promote the presentation of non-stereotyped images of women’. (para 244b). The Platform for Action addressed many of the issues raised at Bangkok but went a step further by including accountability.

Both Bangkok and Beijing inspired and helped shape the focus of WACC’s Women's Programme and its special three-year women and media programme (1997-2000), although it has taken the issue of accountability a step further after the WACC Mexico Congress, also in 1995. The Mexico Congress recommended that it launch a series of regional workshops on media policy to cover not only gender portrayal but also media control and employment patterns.

From 1997 to 1999 WACC organised conferences on gender and communication policy in Asia, Latin America, Anglophone Africa, the Caribbean, the Pacific and the Middle East. Preparing for the conferences proved to be a monumental task. Most countries did not have any existing self-regulatory guidelines, much less any national policies on gender issues in communication. Where media councils do issue guidelines, as in Australia where there is a dense network of industry guidelines for media practitioners, these need only be followed at the industry's will. Participants at the conferences were unanimous in saying that media policy needed to be developed in their countries.

The Canadian approach to gender and media policy, which complements the Canadian charter of Rights and Freedoms, has been used as a model of best practice. Based on government legislation, primarily the Broadcasting Act, which requires that programming ‘should be of high standard’, the system is operated democratically, as a partnership between government, the media industry and NGOs. The Canadian code prohibits any television programme which ‘sanctions, promotes, or glamorises any aspect of violence against women’, and its Sex-Role Portrayal Code provides for greater diversity of roles and prohibits sexual exploitation and sexist language. It also seeks to increase the visibility and involvement of women in broadcasting. In her presentations at the WACC conferences, Teresita Hermano, stressed the need for strong participation and co-operation for such policies to be effective and hoped that future policies would ‘aim for the same values of participation and equity, fairness and sensitivity as the Canadian approach.’

Globalisation and concentration

Theoretically, globalisation should provide the world with media that are rich in diversity and that are shared by everybody. In reality media mergers have concentrated power in the hands of a few powerful media conglomerates. Pamela Creedon warned of the monopolisation of transnational corporations over 10 years ago and their ‘western patriarchal influence on media’. A decade on and the media conglomerates have created a new form of western imperialism, promoting a homogenous culture, and thriving in an environment where the State is no longer accountable and does not bind accountability to the media conglomerates either. The global media giants have no concern for national values and it is therefore more difficult for individual countries to develop effective media policies.

Mongolia is a prime example of a country which appears not to have been prepared for the effects of globalisation. There are no media policies or self-regulatory guidelines and, as a result, the country has been swamped by low-budget Western cinema, television entertainment and commercials since it began its transition from a socialist state to a market-oriented democracy in 1990. This 'entertainment' has encouraged the production of many pornographic magazines and television programmes modelled on Western equivalents and a considerable amount of media violence has also emerged.

In the Pacific, one of the most culturally and socio-politically diverse areas in the world, the media industry is in its early stages yet there is already a high level of overseas influence. The Suva Declaration, therefore declares the need for appropriate communication policy to be introduced before further developments make it harder to instigate change recommending that ‘media organisations be encouraged to formulate gender-sensitive communication policies including provisions for codes of practice on advertising, use of gender inclusive language, sensitive handling of topics on violence and of women in decision making positions.’

Cyberspace is perhaps one area where there is the illusion that globalisation has resulted in a world-wide sharing of information. The internet has certainly equipped women to share information, run consultations and increase their networking capacities and has had some impact in terms of re-building solidarity within the global women's movement. Yet women's groups share cyberspace with pornographic sites which promote the abuse of women and children and in reality much of the world has no access to the internet as its main users are men from the affluent North.

Reports from around the world suggest that women believe they are being further marginalised by the globalisation process and in order to share information about issues that affect them and to campaign for change they are rediscovering traditional, or alternative, forms of communication. But, whilst these provide a valuable means by which women can express themselves, their impact on popular culture is limited and more importantly, the use of alternative media does not mean that mass media should be let off the hook in terms of regulation.

Advertising and exploitation

Since persuasion is at the core of advertising, there is no extreme to which the industry will not go to sell its products. From the early days of television the industry has kept women within the confines of limited gender roles. Portraying women as housewives and mothers to sell household goods has reinforced the view that domesticity is women's primary role. The exploitation of women's sexuality to sell products that have no relevance to them has encouraged the objectification of women. A report from Malaysia, for instance, described one sports car advertisement which features a woman purring, ‘I'm all yours,’ and it is common knowledge that advertisers have traditionally used scantily dressed models to sell cars.

In the UK, women may soon suffer yet another blow with the possible relaxation of advertising regulations. The industry - which has been historically regulated to prevent, for instance, pornography being advertised on television - presently awaits the outcome of a consultation by the Independent Television Commission which recommends that along with private detectives, church groups and hypnotists, escort agencies be allowed to advertise on TV. It seems that gender politics have once again been deliberately ignored in at attempt to appease advocates of free speech; campaigning bodies such as Amnesty International are, interestingly, excluded from the recommendations.

Employment patterns in the media

Sexual harassment in the workplace, lack of organisational policies which take into account the pressures of women journalists with families, lack of professional training and opportunities for promotion, being restricted to reporting on 'soft' news such as fashion and entertainment, as well as social and cultural constraints are amongst the most common complaints of women media practitioners.

In Lebanon May Elian is of the opinion that many women hinder their own progress by their inhibitions but she also states that although there are increasing numbers of women working in journalism their appearance rather than intellectual abilities or experience is frequently used as part of the selection criterion.

The obstacles that women face, however, are not restricted to the work-place as many women journalists encounter severe pressure from their families and communities. The odds are stacked against women journalists in Africa, for instance, who are expected to contribute to the family income, fulfil expectations of caring for the family, face a lack of child care facilities or money to pay for them. According to Margaret Sentamu-Masagazi women who have broken the norm in Africa and who are now working as journalists, traditionally seen as a male job, have been labelled as ‘the impossibles’, ‘rebels’ and sometimes even as ‘prostitutes’.

Gender portrayal

Images of women in the media have been a long-running concern of women activists. Concern, however, is no longer limited to the way in which media reinforces stereotypical gender roles, but also the way in which globalisation has exacerbated the issue by its homogenisation of women's images and the spread of pornography.

It is widely recognised that there has been a gradual increase in the number of women entering media over the last decade, yet this increase has had little impact on the portrayal of women. In Fiji, the Permanent Arbitrator in the Ministry of Labour and Industrial Relations was unconvinced that an increase in women working at decision-making positions would ensure more coverage of women's issues or an improvement in the way that women are portrayed. According to a recent survey he said that women reporters admitted to using 'skirt journalism' suggesting that they were doing little to further women's plight against sexist attitudes.
The argument, however, that greater representation of women does not necessarily mean an increase in coverage of women's issues, is in itself rooted in the kind of bigotry that is characteristic of the simplistic and dismissive patriarchal responses intended to ridicule feminist ideology. It fails to consider the matter of media ownership and the prevailing culture within the industry. But most importantly, it ignores the very complex nature of the production process where journalistic interests must compete with much stronger commercial interests.
Gender portrayal and the need for balanced media that accurately reflect women's diverse roles in society as well as media that reflect indigenous culture and languages was included in all six strongly worded conference declarations.

Women's visibility in the news

In 1995 the Global Media Monitoring Project (GMMP), organised by MediaWatch Canada and involving hundreds of volunteers from 71 countries, highlighted appalling inequalities in the news media and confirmed some of the worst fears of activists in the field. This project which came out of a recommendation of the Bangkok Conference, revealed that whilst women comprised 43% of journalists they accounted for only 17% of interviewees, and 29% of female interviewees were victims of accidents, crime and other events. In stories about politics and government, only 7% of interviewees were women as compared to 93% of men. The study also noted that the occupations of women and men in news differed in ‘two very striking ways’: Politicians and government spokespersons accounted for 19% of women and 51% of men, whilst people whose occupation was unspecified accounted for 28% of women and 9% of men. Only 11% of news stories presented women's issues, such as women's wages, violence against women, women's health, birth control and child care. This study showed that whilst news is more often being presented by women, it is very rarely about women.

Recognising the important link between monitoring and advocacy, WACC organised a new GMMP, which took place on 1st February 2000, involving 70 countries, in an attempt to assess the portrayal and representation of women in the news five years on. The results will be released later this year, but correspondence from monitoring groups suggests that the situation has hardly improved and women remain practically invisible in the news media despite a continuing increase of women in the newsroom. The results of GMMP will be widely disseminated and as WACC will include individual country results in the final report it is hoped that the project will equip activists with the necessary documentation for effective lobbying and advocacy.

Media violence

The issue of media violence has been a hotly debated topic with many activists believing that it contributes to increased violence in society, particularly against women. The glamorisation of violence against women in feature films and dramas, the sensationalist coverage of rape without any indepth analysis into the harm rape has on the victim and her family, or the lack of interest on the part of media in seriously exploring the issue of domestic violence are major concerns. With respect to violence, media seem to appear totally unaware of, or unconcerned about, the level of influence they have on their consumers and on society's attitudes and behaviour.
Mediaworks in Cape Town supports women who have suffered at the hands of the press. In 1999 they submitted a complaint to the Press Ombudsman following a report in the Afrikaans Press which referred to the rape of a young woman as a ‘Sex-party that wound up in Court’. The woman's friends and family who had initially supported the victim then turned against her saying that the report proved that she was a slut. As if the newspaper hadn't caused enough damage, when the case was dropped 'for lack of evidence', it printed a photograph which showed the young woman naked on the floor surrounded by condoms.

The reluctance to admit that rape is a real problem in South African society was also highlighted in 1999 when a controversial anti-rape advertisement was banned by the Advertising Standards Authority. The advertisement featured a well-known actress saying, 'many people ask me what South African men are like,' and she went on to cite the country's rape statistics: that one in three women are raped during their life time and a woman is raped every 26 seconds.
The first event indicates the power media have in controlling the way in which violence against women is treated and in influencing society's attitudes towards it, whilst the second event demonstrates the enormous struggle women have in using media as a means of raising awareness about the issue.

Pornography

The degradation of women through pornography has historically been of concern to the women's movement and has become a matter of priority since the mainstreaming of pornography, as a consequence of globalisation. References to 'obscenity' and 'indecency' cited in many codes of conduct or self-regulatory guidelines are no longer applicable as pornographic images can be downloaded from the internet at the click of a mouse. Its mainstreaming is also a result of the market-led nature of media as the link between pornography and advertising is becoming increasingly blurred. Pornography is no longer sold under the counter to middle-aged men in raincoats but it is actually being used to sell products.

In Thailand, for instance, where pornography is illegal, Sanitsuda Ekachai , describes the way advertisers use sex to sell their products more aggressively as every year, whiskey companies compete to produce nude calendars featuring famous models as part of their new year promotional gimmicks. The large sums of money paid out to the models who agree to strip for the calendars have changed attitudes towards soft porn among more well-known movie and TV stars. The mainstreaming of pornography and the blurring of boundaries between pornography and marketing strategies has made pornography, to a certain extent, more acceptable. Corruption also plays its part in helping the by-passing of Thailand's laws. The censorship officers, under the police department, who are primarily in charge of monitoring and confiscating pornography and arresting publishers, pay little attention to the prevalence of soft-porn because, as Ekachai points out, ‘the police belong to this macho culture’.

Women's access to media

According to an IBE report quoted by Govinda Shresta in some countries illiteracy for women is double that of men and in some of the least developed countries illiteracy amongst women is more than 80%. In Afghanistan in 1995 an estimated 85% of women were illiterate compared to an estimated 52.8% of men. In Peru in the same year, an estimated 17% of women were illiterate compared to an estimated 5.5% of men. Trapped in the vicious cycle of illiteracy and poverty, Shresta is of the view that illiteracy is tantamount to disability. Millions of illiterate women are, therefore, most likely to be further marginalised and disempowered by globalisation, which is creating, rather than eradicating poverty, and by the rapid developments in mass media.

As illiteracy and poverty are the most common and insurmountable forms of censorship of women the use of indigenous, traditional and alternative forms of media are more essential than ever for women's empowerment and to ensure their access to information. However, women need to also be assured of equal access to state and private mainstream media if they are to benefit themselves, their communities as well as influence mass media.

Recognising the limitations of women in gaining access to mass media in the current climate of ownership and control the Lima conference on Gender, Communication and Citizenship focused largely on strengthening democracy in the region by ensuring equal rights for women as citizens as they play an equal part in all spheres of communal life. Access, therefore, was high on the agenda with the strongly worded Lima Declaration stating ‘we call for legislation which allows the equal and egalitarian participation of men and women in directing communication processes and in the ability to communicate, so that genuine pluralism and diversity of voices, images and words circulate in the region’. With only two countries - Chile and Colombia - being cited as having had some success on the issue of communication and gender, the Lima declaration went a step further on the issue of access demanding ‘their right and that of all citizens to participate in drawing up the regulations in different countries’.

Ways forward

All of the conference reports and declarations as well as the reports contained in this issue of Media Development point to a need for a complete transformation of culture within the communications industry. This can only be done through the development of gender sensitive communications policies which reflect all of the themes outlined above and which are democratically operated. The Conferences on Gender and Communication Policy intended to stimulate discussion in this area and to formalise and codify various resolutions. However, continuing follow-up work is necessary to maintain the momentum.

In the Caribbean, one of the most successful conferences in the series, the Jamaican Broadcasting Commission promised to examine the Kingston Declaration and invite a resource person from the Canadian Broadcast Standards Council to discuss specific guidelines for Jamaican broadcasters with them and in St Lucia, the Folk Research Centre followed the conference with a workshop on Images of Women in Media. In the Pacific, the Fiji Council of Churches is in the process of planning a long-term women and communications programme, part of which will be supported by WACC. In Asia, the conference inspired extensive work by Isis International in the area of women and media and the group has more recently contributed to the review of the Beijing Platform for Action.

Policy development is a long process and given the extent of women's struggle in combating sexism in other areas of their lives it will require continuous efforts in the area of monitoring, research, awareness-raising, networking, advocacy and lobbying. For its part the Women's Programme aims to continue its contribution in this area through an international consultation on Gender and Communications Policy and the publication of the results of the consultation. At the same time we will continue to support women in the production of their own media.

Maria del Nevo is WACC's Women and Media Programme Officer and Editor of Media and Gender Monitor. In the early 1990s she worked as a journalist in Pakistan for the Frontier Post, a national daily and for the radical weekly news magazine, Viewpoint. From 1987 to 1993 she contributed regular features and a monthly column to New Internationalist magazine, focusing primarily on women and minority rights.